Labor unions

Two tramps sit on railroad ties. One is reading the newspaper, and there is a pot heating on a campfire. Two railroad cars, a coal car and a box car, stand in the background. Caption: Agitating Abe — I tell yer, if us fellers wants t’ be reckernized, we got t’ form a union. / Plugcut Peters — Dat’s what! Den, if de grub dey give us ain’t up to de American standard of livin’, we kin force dem ter arbitrate!

Collection

Library of Congress Prints and Photographs

Creation Date

1903-01-07

A “Labor Agitator” sits in the center with strings attached to marionettes or puppets from all walks of life and social classes. The vignettes around the central figure show these puppets in actual life situations as union leaders and labor agitators. Depicted are a “Walking Delegate” who is “willin’ ter arbitrate” with a school principal on behalf of his son, and “The Progressive Prisoner,” a “Labor Agitator,” an “Infant Class Agitator,” and “Madame President” of the “Marriageable Women’s Union,” as well as “The District President” of the “Cook Ladies’ Union,” also school-ground bullies who prevent children from getting an education.

Collection

Library of Congress Prints and Photographs

Creation Date

1903-01-14

A laborer stands at center holding a rifle labeled “Law and Order” and a National Guard uniform labeled “Patriotism” which he is offering to Uncle Sam who is standing on the left with his hands behind his back. Standing on the right, behind the laborer, is a man labeled “Labor Agitator,” holding a whip that spells out the word “Expulsion.” He makes it clear to the laborer that he must choose between the union and service to the government, arguments raised as leverage in labor’s attempts to negotiate with the Department of the Army. Caption: The Labor Agitator — Give dem soldier clothes up! Yer can’t serve me and him, too!

comments and context

Comments and Context

From its inception until the 1903 Efficiency in the Militia Act of 1903 (the reference-point of Ehrhart’s cartoon), the United States had had an ambiguous policy regarding state militias and the United States Army. Governors could choose to meld their state militias with the Army, or not, in random fashion, perhaps depending on local opinion and politics. New England governors who opposed the War of 1812, for instance, refused to send troops to assist the Army. This is the reason that Theodore Roosevelt assembled the Rough Riders, the First New York Volunteer Regiment; in times of need, Washington authorized volunteer regiments of limited duration, across the country. The 1903 act, also called the Dick Act after its sponsor Representative Charles Dick (R-Oh), and heavily pushed by Secretary of War Elihu Root, enabled the creation of National Guard units in every state, outlined their duties and restrictions (until a 1908 amendment, they could not be deployed overseas), and guaranteed funding by a schedule. This act also enabled the creation, and mandated funding, of training camps like Plattsburgh before America’s declaration of war in 1917. The immediate point of this cartoon is the short-lived attempts of union organizers to have their members retain union rights and contract provisions while serving in Guard units; or that union members be exempt from serving in Guard deployments. Such efforts were unsuccessful.

An angry capitalist labeled “Commercial Trust” confronts an angry laborer labeled “Labor Trust” holding a club labeled “Strike.” Between them is a diminutive man labeled “Consumer” on his knees, possibly praying for a favorable resolution. Caption: The consumer suffers when these two trusts fall out.

comments and context

Comments and Context

There is a substantial back-story to this cartoon. Keppler’s drawing depicts a matter that likely was on the mind of every reader: the increasing labor strife in America. He posed the possible incidence of societal distress, and the cartoon sets the theoretical stage for intervention from an unprecedented source: the Chief Executive. For several years labor strife had been growing more common, and more violent. Both trusts and unions were consolidating their growth and power. In 1901, in New York City, the mishandling of its monopoly by the Ice Trust posed a real threat as a heat wave loomed. In May of 1902, a month before Keppler’s cartoon was printed, the miners in Pennsylvania’s Anthracite region struck for higher wages, shorter hours, and the right to organize under the United Mine Workers. The mine owners (J. P. Morgan at the top of the “chain”) were represented by a railroad manager, George Baer. The workers were represented by John Mitchell. President Roosevelt did intervene, against advice of his Attorney General and others, including Republican leaders who feared that the party would be associated with any sort of negative outcomes. In a labyrinthine series of councils, initiatives, negotiations (including with Morgan), proposals and threats, and even a serious injury to his his leg in a carriage accident, Roosevelt cudgeled and cajoled the parties — he was immensely frustrated with the owners who sat on a large supply of coal in reserve — a compromise was reached, and production resumed in October. A winter heating crisis was averted. Miners received a 10 per cent raise in hourly pay, their workdays were reduced from 10 to nine hours per day, and union recognition was not agreed to at the time. Roosevelt scored another personal victory, only a year after assuming office, and displaying skills of foresight and persuasion, and placed another cornerstone in the establishment of presidential power, not dictating but wisely intervening. 

Two strong men labeled “Labor” and “Commerce” use a battering ram labeled “Tariff Reform” to knock down a door in a building flying a banner for “High Protection.” A frightened man, labeled “Protected Trust” and wearing a crown, is looking over the wall.

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Comments and Context

The deeper meaning behind Keppler’s straightforward message is his choice of labels. “Tariff Reform” indicates that Puck, editorially, was not advocating for free trade as some Populists and Bryan followers in the Democratic party did. The same point is made in the specific phrase in the caption “…in the hands of the right men.”

A man labeled “Labor” sits on a huge firecracker labeled “Capital” which he is igniting with a torch labeled “Strikes” giving off fumes labeled “Discontent.” The fuse of the firecracker is labeled “Wages.” There are factory buildings in the background.

comments and context

Comments and Context

Despite the factories in the background, Pughe’s cartoon likely was inspired by labor strife and occasional violence in the anthracite coal mines of Pennsylvania at this time. Union organizing, strikes, and labor clashes had been growing for several years, but the scale of the coal strike in 1902, and the prospect of a lack of coal during the upcoming winter months, put this issue on the public’s mind.

A mob of labor union laborers charge up the steps of the U.S. Capitol. One man carries a flag that states “The (Labor) Union forever! The man who works when we won’t, is a traitor – Kill Him! Unions first, wives and children afterward. All men are equal and the man with brains must be kept down.” The man with the flag is fearfully pointing toward Columbia, who is standing defiant with a sword at her side, the “Declaration of Independence” in one hand, and the American Flag behind her. Caption: The Flag of Freedom will never be displaced by the Flag of Slavery.

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Comments and Context

Between 1886 and 1921, the United States experienced labor violence worse than any other time in its history, and more severe than in any other country during that period. In 1886 there were violents strikes and protests, and the founding the the Knights of Labor. Through the Haymarket Riot in Chicago that year (anarchists and union organizers, resulting in deaths of police and protesters), the Pullman and anthracite strikes, the rise of figures like Samuel Gompers and Big Bill Haywood, and Communist infiltration of unions in the years after World War I, there was much turmoil. The public’s early and earnest anxieties are reflected in Keppler’s cartoon, which made no attempt at nuance. It is reported that between 1902 (one of the high-water marks of labor violence) and 1904, there were at least 198 deaths and almost 2000 injuries from labor strife nationwide. The main industries that were struck included coal mines; various mining operations in Colorado; teamster crews, especially in San Francisco and Chicago; railroad and rail car manufacturing like the bloody Pullman strike; urban streetcar operations; and the textile and garment industries, as per the Patterson NJ silk workers’ strike. It is arguable that the violent history of this period has somewhat receded from history because the reform measures and pro-worker advocacies of Theodore Roosevelt and the Progressive Movement defused many of the complaints against conditions and the system.

A man dressed as cartoonists of the day portrayed touts and swindlers is labeled, “Walking Delegate,” and wears sandwich boards that state “Notice to Businessmen – This is to certify that the Labor Trust, like all other Trusts, has been duly Incorporated.” A paper on the fence behind him states “Strike Order.” On the left, in the background, is a factory. Caption: Assume responsibility instead of shirking it.

comments and context

Comments and Context

“Walking delegates” were roving union organizers and representatives to locals from union headquarters. They invariably were portrayed by cartoonists of the day as corrupt, greedy, selfish thugs; almost always depicted in gaudy clothes and ostentatious counterfeit jewelry. Cartoonist Pughe prods both this strutting walking delegate and industrial moguls as well, to realize that they play each others’ game.

Two Irish women talk in a kitchen over a cup of tea. In the background, an old man is sitting in a rocking chair, reading the newspaper. Caption: Mrs. Kelly — Does your husband get good pay, Mrs. Rooney? / Mrs. Rooney — Well, he would, Mrs. Kelly, ef ut wasn’t fer shtriking so often fer better pay.

Collection

Library of Congress Prints and Photographs

Creation Date

1902-12-17

Senator Mark Hanna draws a life-sized portrait of himself as a Greek or Roman statesman. Two men labeled “Capital” and “Labor” stand nearby. In the background is a large monument stating “In memory of the man who reconciled Labor and Capital.” Caption: “I would want no greater memorial than to have the world remember that I did something to end the wars between American capital and American labor” – From speech by Senator Hanna.

comments and context

Comments and Context

Despite the ambitions of Senator Marcus Hanna as quoted in this cartoon, there was widespread skepticism of, at least, his beneficent attitude toward labor. The perception was in large measure established in the public’s mind, and history’s judgment, by cartoonists. Keppler’s profile here is mild compared to the unrelenting and famed caricatures of Homer Davenport, chief political cartoonist of the Hearst newspapers. Taking advantage of Hanna’s first name, he drew the senator in garish checked suits with dollar signs in every square; hence the nickname “Dollar Mark.” Davenport frequently drew Hanna as a virtual cannibal, feasting on the carcasses of American laborers. Keppler, here, was mild in comparison.

Puck talks to a laborer who is sitting at home, on strike. Puck shows him a paper that states “Cost of the steel strike to the workingman $10,000,000.” Standing behind the man is a woman holding a baby. She is horrified. A man labeled “Walking Delegate” is looking in at the window. Caption: Puck (to Organized Labor). — The Chinese stop the pay of their doctors when they fall sick – why don’t you stop the pay of your walking delegate while a strike is on? It would save you a lot of money.

comments and context

Comments and Context

Walking delegates were labor organizers and union representatives who were often depicted in cartoons as prosperous or bloated types who profited from the workers they led. Through the years Puck was more and more friendly to labor, but this cartoon depicts the labor boss, not the factory boss, as harmful to the average worker.

Article entitled “Theodore Roosevelt: His Relations With Labor” submitted for printing in the Congressional Record by Wyoming Senator Joseph O’Mahoney.

Collection

Dickinson State University

Creation Date

1957-05-22

Theodore Roosevelt thanks the Navy Yard Clerks and Draughtsman Association for inviting him to their banquet. He supports their movement, however, he cannot attend.

Collection

Library of Congress Manuscript Division

Creation Date

1911-10-28

Theodore Roosevelt is pleased that William Grant Edens, Vice President of the Central Trust Company of Illinois, quoted Roosevelt about Patrick H. Morrissey, President of the Railway Employees’ and Investors’ Association. Morrissey is the kind of labor leader in whom Roosevelt “most heartily” believes and would do anything to support him.

Collection

Library of Congress Manuscript Division

Creation Date

1911-05-23

Theodore Roosevelt tells John Dunbar Pringle that he puts the “case in a nutshell” when he says he is a trades unionist, but a trades’ unionist after he is a citizen. Roosevelt also considers himself a strong trades’ unionist and in the interests of trades unionism he puts citizenship first.

Collection

Library of Congress Manuscript Division

Creation Date

1911-05-12

Theodore Roosevelt agrees with most of Henry Lee Higginson’s letter. He particularly believes in the movement’s effort to protect the shareholders’ widows and orphans. Roosevelt comments on Edward Henry Harriman’s fortune. While he does not want to hurt Harriman’s small securities holders, there should be supervision to prevent future Harrimans from getting disproportionate rewards. It is easy to handle corrupt small businessmen by refusing their service, but the same is not possible with large businessmen. Roosevelt agrees with Higginson on the overall increase in commercial honesty, the effect of certain unions, and the classification of rebates. 

Collection

Library of Congress Manuscript Division

Creation Date

1911-03-02

Theodore Roosevelt asks Dix W. Smith to send a complete itinerary so Roosevelt can determine which invitations he is able to accept. Roosevelt writes that he can make one long speech per day and prefers that it be at an open public meeting. Roosevelt approves of Smith’s plan to invite representatives of organized labor to the reception.

Collection

Library of Congress Manuscript Division

Creation Date

1911-02-14

Legislation to use President Roosevelt’s money from the 1906 Nobel Prize to establish a committee dedicated to the promotion of industrial peace.

Collection

Library of Congress Manuscript Division

Creation Date

1907-02-12

Theodore Roosevelt writes about his desire to go to San Francisco by way of the Canadian Pacific Railway, but expects he cannot do so without stopping to make speeches all along the way, as he has already received numerous invitations. Roosevelt feels he must not speak in Canada because his critical views on the U.S. position on avoiding World War I would be unfavorable against his home country. He also references the labor union disputes in England.

Collection

Library of Congress Manuscript Division

Creation Date

1915-04-02

President Roosevelt is planning to take Sydney Brooks’ advice in describing the British attitude in India in an upcoming speech. He liked Brooks’ article, and is pleased that he is going to write another one. Roosevelt appreciated Brooks’ praise of his achievements in office, but highlights what he believes are his greatest achievements while in the presidency, including increasing the size of the navy, the construction of the Panama Canal, the creation of forest reserves, and the involvement of the United States in international affairs to promote world peace. He encloses several volumes of his Presidential addresses and State papers.

Collection

Library of Congress Manuscript Division

Creation Date

1908-12-28